Thursday, November 23, 2017

One Against a Hundred : DPRK Music

Democracy and Class Struggle says proletarians will humanise North Korea while the bourgeoisie demonise North Korea


North Korean Agriculture developing under leadership of Workers Party of Korea

Wednesday, November 22, 2017

Zimbabwe's Mnangagwa Returns

North Korea on relisting as terror sponsor nation by USA

Will super-rich Bill Gates bankroll India’s anti-Maoist strategy? by S N M Abdi

Bill Gates with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi on December 4, 2015. (AFP)   

When Gates called on Rajnath Singh, Home Minister in Narendra Modi's government, Singh urged the global philanthropist to build 1,000 model villages in the LWE-affected region – also known as India’s Red Corridor – to wean away the local poor from the path of violence, which has killed nearly 8000 in the last 12 years. But the irony is inescapable.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or RSS, the Hindutva fountainhead which has mentored BJP leaders like Modi and Singh, wants the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) – which gives millions of dollars for improving health and urban sanitation - to be banned in India for “anti-national” activities.

After Modi became the prime minister in May 2014, the Indian government has been systematically targeting Western charities and donors and tightened the screws on foreign-funded non-government organizations (NGOs). Many Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) licenses have been cancelled forcing NGOs to shut down their operations.

The Swadeshi Jagran Manch, a frontal organization of the RSS, has published an entire White Paper on the “evil” effects of BMGF on the country’s health sector. The BJP government obliged by revoking the FCRA license of Public Health Foundation of India (PHFI), which is almost wholly funded by BMGF.

And now Singh, one of Modi’s three most powerful cabinet ministers, has personally requested Gates to foot the bill for the latest sanitation and cleanliness technology in 1,000 villages of Bihar, Orissa and Jharkhand, three states battling LWE on a war footing.

Home Minister Rajnath Singh chaired a meeting with Bill Gates where he sought the Microsoft czar's largesse to stop the poor from joining Maoist outfits. (Supplied)

Double standard

“The government’s double standard is shocking. On the one hand, it is paranoid about Western aid agencies fanning social unrest and engaging in religious conversions. And yet it’s seeking Gates financial help to improve living conditions of the dispossessed in remote areas who fall prey to Maoist propaganda and pick up the gun”, a bewildered NGO official said on condition of anonymity.

Officials present during Singh’s meeting with Gates, who was accompanied by BMGF team members, told The Hindu newspapers that the crackdown on BMGF-funded PHFI did not figure in the talks held in North Block, the headquarters of the home ministry, which is accused of harassing foreign charities and NGOs in India.

Besides BMGF, Greenpeace, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch (HRW) and even Bloomberg Philanthropies are in the government’s gun-sights. According to Meenakshi Ganguly, HRW’s South Asia director, “India is actively encouraging foreign investment in key industries but is trying to deny funding for efforts to assist the most vulnerable and marginalized.

The government should engage with those seeking rights reform and empower these groups, instead of treating criticism as a threat to be quashed.”

Tuesday, November 21, 2017

Brief History of the October Revolution by Finnish Bolshevik

Mugabe Resigns : The resignation letter

Saudi Financial Crisis at Heart of Princely Rage

Hezbollah Forces are on High Alert Combat Readiness - South Front


Michio Kaku on mind; his definition, classification and ranking of consciousness; his take on the Penrose-Hameroff Orch OR model; Newton, Einstein, determinism and free will;

See also -

Foolhardy War Frenzy of Those Driven to Dilemma says Rodong Sinmun

The U.S. and south Korean puppet forces staged war exercises simulating a preemptive attack on the DPRK after hurling huge naval forces including Aegis destroyers of the puppet navy as well as the three nuclear carrier strike groups like Ronald Reagan, Theodore Roosevelt and Nimitz. They called the saber-rattling "maximum military pressure" and "most strong message".

The exercises are an adventurous act of the senseless war fanatics and a deliberate military provocation further increasing the danger of a war on the Korean peninsula.

Moreover, the U.S. started combined naval exercises with the Japan Maritime "Self-Defense Force" before the joint naval drills with the puppet forces.

It is the first time the U.S. deployed the three nuclear carrier strike groups in the waters off the Korean peninsula and staged the DPRK-targeted joint military exercises with Japan's MSDF and the puppet navy.

The U.S. act of amassing war hardware in the waters off the Korean peninsula and hurling its vassal forces including south Korea into the largest-ever joint naval exercises proves that the U.S. bellicose attempt to bring down the DPRK by force has gone beyond the danger line.

The U.S. has got hell-bent on staging war exercises against the DPRK, threatening it with nuclear carriers. But this is just an extension of the confrontation outbursts made by Trump in south Korea and a hysteria of thoughtless losers who are at a loss what to do, being taken aback by the single-minded unity of the people in the DPRK and its tremendous military power.

The U.S. and the puppet warmongers should not run amuck, clearly understanding that they will only face tragic end beyond prediction and imagination from the military confrontation with the DPRK.

Sunday, November 19, 2017

Artificial Intelligence and its use and misuse under capitalism


Zimbabwe's Mugabe defies expectations of resignation in address to nation

Mugabe has stunned the nation by refusing to resign in TV broadcast and has said he will preside over party Congress in a few weeks, ignoring the fact he is no longer its leader


Zimbabwe's Liberation A Short And Accurate History

The ruling ZANU-PF voted to dismiss Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe as leader of the party during a meeting in Harare on Sunday.

India and Communism and Caste - Anand Teltumbde

In the early 1950s, BR Ambedkar started working on a book he wanted to call India and Communism. Though he did not finish it, he left behind a table of contents and 63 typed pages of the book. He also left behind an outline for and a section of another book, titled Can I Be a Hindu? This year, LeftWord Books published the works with an introduction by Anand Teltumbde, a civil-rights activist and political analyst.

 In the introduction, Teltumbde addresses the narrative that Ambedkar was opposed to Marxism, and argues that anyone who believes so is “grossly prejudiced.” He charts the course of Ambedkar’s thinking on communism and Marxism and the corresponding events of the Indian freedom movement that led to rifts between India’s early communists and Ambedkar. 

In the following extract from the introduction, Teltumbde discusses the acrimonious relationship between Ambedkar and the Communist Party of India (CPI). He writes, “These communists have never been as arrogant and bitter against the caste system as against Ambedkar.”

Ambedkar’s annoyance with communist practice only grew with the passage of time. The CPI’s criticism of Ambedkar could have been plausible only if it had practiced what it professed. But ideologically refusing the necessity of battling caste, ignoring the conceptual basis of linking other forms of (non-economic) exploitation and continuing with unmindful practices vis-à-vis caste, these criticisms rang hollow. 

Right from his coming to prominence as the leader of the independent Dalit movement, the CPI was angry with him. Instead of befriending Ambedkar, they began attacking him as the divider of the working class, misleader of Dalit masses, opponent of the nationalist movement and a stooge of imperialists. They derided him as “the reformist and separatist leader” who kept “the untouchable masses away from the general democratic movement and to foster the illusion that the lot of untouchables could be improved by reliance on imperialism.”

In March 1952, the CPI Central Committee adopted a special resolution on the SCF [the Scheduled Castes Federation was a political group founded by Ambedkar in 1942], but directed specifically against Ambedkar. It may be interesting to see some extracts from its content. [It states that] the economically “most exploited and socially the most oppressed” Scheduled Caste masses’urge for economic betterment and social equality have been given a distorted and disruptive form by their pro-imperialist and opportunist leader, Dr Ambedkar who has organised them on a communal, anticaste Hindu basis in the SCF.

The party must sharply expose the policies of Ambedkar and wean the SCF masses away from his influence by boldly championing the democratic demands of the Scheduled Caste masses, by fighting caste-Hindu oppression against them and by drawing them into common mass organisations.

It would be a mistake, however, to adopt the same attitude towards all units of the SCF in all parts of the country . . . Many units of the SCF and several of its local leaders don’t subscribe to the views and policies of Dr Ambedkar. Every effort should be made to draw these units and individuals . . . to help the process of radicalisation among the Scheduled Caste masses.

The CPI’s resolution was clearly meant to drive a wedge between Ambedkar and his associates, and the lower-level SCF workers. These communists have never been as arrogant and bitter against the caste system as against Ambedkar.

Ambedkar, on his part, never went against one of his close followers, RB More, for leaving him politically and joining the Communist Party. As More himself gratefully acknowledged, not only did their personal relationship remain intact but Ambedkar himself respectfully discussed the issues of politics with him whenever they met. 

However, this was not the case with the communists. They not only begrudged the independent movement of Dalits but also plotted to split the SCF. In Bombay, they seeded an outfit of Dalit youth workers, which met as the Democratic Scheduled Caste Youth Conference on 23–24 January 1949. The CPI heaped adulation on it as “an event of great significance in the struggle of Bombay’s untouchable youth for human rights and against exploitation. It was the first conference of the working youth from the most oppressed and backward section of our people.”

As a matter of fact, having begun his political career as a workers’ leader, Ambedkar was amenable as a possible ally but the communists who operated under the cover of the Congress, which was a party truly representing the interests of the incipient bourgeoisie, saw him as a rival. 

Curiously, the CPI did not appreciate Ambedkar’s tryst with class politics during the 1930s, but when he switched to apparently caste-based politics through the SCF in 1940s, the CPI woke up to its importance. 

The central organ of the CPI, People’s War, gave wide coverage to the SCF and through that to the caste question in the party literature. [The Indian Communist leader and politician] BT Ranadive was entrusted by the party to write the first clear historical analysis of the role of the Indian National Congress and the Scheduled Caste Federation vis-à-vis the question of Scheduled Castes in India. 

In his ten-page analysis, Ranadive made a staid criticism of the Congress party’s policies towards the untouchables. He supported the Charter of Rights placed by the Nagpur session of the Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942 and suggested that it should inscribe on its banner “the demand for complete independence, rapid industrialization, liquidation of landlordism, etc., to really solve the problems of the untouchable masses.” Despite this realisation, Ranadive made a seething criticism of Ambedkar and his organisation for their failure to target British imperialism.

While recognising that “Hindu India has oppressed them for years and that oppression must be ended,” he observed that “this cannot happen unless the untouchables make their demands an integral part of the struggle for freedom and join other parties in securing power.” BTR’s argument that “Rapid industrialization of the country, liquidation of landlordism and radical change in the mode of production . . . alone will give free scope to the vast mass of Untouchables to find independent means of livelihood, and lead to the abolition of untouchability” obviously stands disproved by the experience of last seven decades.

It is noteworthy that while Ambedkar was harsh against the communists in his statements, he was not so when he spoke on Marxism. It is the greatest complement of a critique to place Marx and Buddha, whom he adored as his master, on the same plane, albeit for their goals. 

As a matter of fact, Ambedkar never questioned the communist philosophy. If at all, he praised it although he had serious reservations about its tenets. With hindsight, though one may observe that the strategies observed by both Ambedkar and the early communists had left little space for dialogue, there is no evidence to suggest that the communists really made an effort to create such a space.

The CPI continued its unremitting criticism of Ambedkar’s reservation about adopting a firm stand on the question of complete independence. On their part, they never considered his argument that if the nationalists would insist on getting freedom from imperialist rule, they should also appreciate the Dalits’ struggle for freedom from the shackles of Brahminism. 

Even while condemning the merciless attacks on the SCF activists for their black-flag protest against Gandhi when he came to occupy a PWD hut in the mixed working-class area of Bombay on 31 March 1946, the CPI never forgot to attack Ambedkar, who they said, “enabled the reformist and separatist leaders like Dr Ambedkar to keep the untouchable masses away from the general democratic movement and to foster the illusion that the lot of untouchables could be improved by reliance on imperialism.”

One notable event that the party immediately reacted to, at this time, was Ambedkar’s resigning the post of cabinet minister at the centre in 1951. The CPI political correspondent ridiculed his exit “in a dramatic manner” in a bid “to capture the imagination of the millions of Scheduled Castes as a great champion of social progress.” Ambedkar castigated the government for dropping the Hindu Code Bill and characterised it as a betrayal of the Schedule Castes. 

The political correspondent raked up the ugly visage of the Congress over the previous four years leading to great sufferings of the people, particularly of the “Scheduled Castes, forming the most backward and downtrodden sections, more than anybody else.” He smelt in Ambedkar’s decision an ambition to refurbish his pro-SC image after tolerating years of misrule by the Congress. In a hostile criticism, the correspondent reminded the readers that the leaders of the Federation “Kept the Scheduled Castes out of the national movement by exploiting their just grievances against the Congress, they developed separatist tendencies among them, prevented their radicalisation and helped, along with the communal Muslim League leaders, the astute British imperialists in playing their diabolical game of divide and rule. They advanced neither the cause of India’s political emancipation nor economic and social progress.” The caption of this article—Ambedkar’s move to detach Scheduled Castes from the Left—contained the keynote of the criticism. That Ambedkar still inspired the imagination of the SCs more than the CPI was surely a cause of worry for the latter. 

The political correspondent took pains to enlighten the SCs that “Communists Have Fought For Them” but the SCF “decided not to enter into any election alliance with the Communist Party of India.” The CPI, he claimed, “has consistently fought for the demands of the Scheduled Castes, it has a programme for them, it has programme for the economic reconstruction of the country, which alone can guarantee the progress of all backward sections.”

Even when they sympathised with the struggles of Dalits, the CPI never missed an opportunity to attack Ambedkar’s leadership. When the SCF units in Pune and Lucknow protested against the Cabinet Mission’s refusal to recognise the Dalits as a minority community, they were arrested and tortured by the police on 15 July 1946. 

The People’s Age editorial, while condemning the torture and arrest, unleashed a bitter criticism of Ambedkar for his “reliance on the British” causing immense harm to the cause of untouchables. The way to the liberation of millions of untouchables, it asserted, “can only be achieved by the common struggle of workers and peasants against the British rulers, against the present plan and the present social system.”

This is an extract from Anand Teltumbde’s introduction to India and Communism, published by LeftWord Books. The extract has been edited and condensed.


Hezbollah – Capabilities And Role In The Middle East (Full Documentary)

Democracy and Class Struggle says well done South Front your best video to date

Red Salute to a Week of Class Struggle in France against Macron's neo liberal labour reforms

Wednesday, November 15, 2017

Tractors and North Korean Agriculture developing under leadership of Workers Party of Korea

Political Economy Research sister site of Democracy and Class Struggle will be looking at the North Korean Economy in a series of articles  - we start with North Korea's production of food as eighty per cent of North Korea is mountainous with only twenty per cent of land suitable for some type of agriculture and how the Workers Party of Korea is leading the fight for food production.

Foodstuff Industry

The DPRK makes effort to establish the Juche orientation in the foodstuff industry to ensure that it depends on domestic materials and meets the requirements of the people’s dietary life.

The foundations of the foodstuff industry have been solidified by keeping the development of the large-scale foodstuff industry in parallel with that of the medium and small-scale foodstuff-processing industry. Raw materials bases have been built up to increase the output of foodstuffs by using the materials abundant in the country, and close concern is directed to mass-producing essential and subsidiary foodstuffs and ensuring their better quality.

The principle of making production proportional to consumption with the county as a unit has been maintained to build up the foodstuff factories that contribute to improving the county residents’ dietary life and equip their production lines with modern machinery.

The Pyongyang Wheat Flour Processing Factory has renovated the buildings of several workshops introduced CNC technology in the production lines and made them germ-free. The Pyongyang  Cornstarch Factory has updated all its production lines ranging from the input of raw materials to packaging. The Sonhung Foodstuff Factory, Susongchon General Foodstuff Factory, Kangso Mineral Water Factory and other foodstuff producers and speciality-processing plants pay off.

The Changsong Foodstuff Factory, a locally-run factory, has built a supercritical extraction line in a modern fashion.

Daily-Necessities Industry

The DPRK makes great efforts to produce plenty of high-quality, useful goods by developing the daily necessities industry.

It has developed large-scale central industry and medium- and small-scale local industry in parallel,tapping domestic materials to the full to increase the variety of daily necessities and improve their quality.

Local Industry

The DPRK has since long ago kept it as an important principle of socialist economic construction to develop central industry and local industry in parallel.

Changsong County in North Phyongan Province was transformed into a model unit of local industry. On the basis of the achievements made in the county, locally run factories mushroomed and sideline production gained momentum; mountainous regions made good use of mountains, coastal regions utilized coasts effectively.

With the growth of local industry the urban-rural gap has been narrowed and all the regions of the  country developed evenly.


The DPRK’s agriculture was extricated from centuries-old backwardness. Now, along with industry, it constitutes one of the major components of the national economy.

Recently the country has made significant progress in agricultural production and the development of agricultural science and technology: arranging crops and their strains on the principle of sowing the right crop on the right soil and cultivating the right crop in the right season, as demanded by the Juche farming method, and manuring and cultivating them in a scientific and technological way; developing high-yielding, superior seeds; carrying out large-scale land-realignment projects and attaining a high level of irrigation in the rural economy; promoting potato, soybean and double cropping extensively; encouraging organic farming and establishing food production cycle; putting all the processes of the rural economy on an industrial and modern footing by introducing the latest advances in science and technology.

The state makes constant efforts to develop agriculture and increases investment in this sector.

 New Agricultural Guidance System

In early 1962 Kim Il Sung had a cooperative farm management committee set up in every county, and then a rural economy committee in every province, thereby establishing a well-knit national system of agricultural guidance from the centre to the lowest levels.The new agricultural guidance system centred on the county cooperative farm management committee, makes it possible to ensure industrial guidance over the socialist rural economy.

The county cooperative farm management committee exercises unified control over agro-technicians, farming machine stations, farming implements factories,irrigation management stations and other state-owned enterprises in the service of the rural economy, and gives on-site direction and guidance over the business operation of cooperative farms. It also performs the function of both directing cooperative farms and bringing the state’s material and technological assistance to the rural economy.

Sub-Workteam Management System

Kim Il Sung created a sub-work team management system during his field guidance at the Phochon Cooperative Farm, Hoeyang County, Kangwon Province, in May 1965.

Under this system manpower and various means of production are fixed for each sub-workteam, which is the lowest unit of production and manpower organization at a cooperative farm and the cell of a collective life. The quota is defined for each sub-workteam and the work-points of its members are assessed according to the results of their work done, before determining the share of distribution.

The system is a form of production organization and management that enables farmers to take an active part in the production and management with a feeling of attachment to the collective economy and an attitude befitting masters.

The plot responsibility system that has recently been instituted according to the sub-workteam management system pays off as it enables farmers to have a higher degree of consciousness of being masters of the land who are responsible for the country’s cereals production.

Juche Farming Method

The Juche farming method created by Kim Il Sung is geared to doing farming in a scientific and technological way as suited to the climate and soil of the country and the biological features of agricultural crops, and to making agricultural production highly intensive on the basis of modern science and technology.

The fundamental requirement of this method is to arrange crops and their strains according to the geographical characteristics on the principle of sowing the right crop on the right soil and cultivating the right crop in the right season, manure and cultivate them in a scientific and technological way, ensure accuracy in the number of seedlings in a cluster and the number of clusters per phyong, and attain high and stable yields by making effective use of the fields, water, farming machinery, fertilizer and other means of production.

Seed Revolution

The DPRK’s agricultural sector is putting great emphasis on breeding good seeds that are suitable to the local climate and soil, those capable of yielding abundantly while demanding less fertilizer and shorter growth period and withstanding the cold, and of resisting pests and natural calamities such as drought, rainstorm and biting cold. Due concern is directed to importing high-yielding seeds from other countries. In addition to crop cultivation, all other sectors of the rural economy such as animal husbandry, fruit farming and sericulture carry on the seed revolution.According to the well-regulated national seed selecting system, seed research institutes develop the first filial generation and other superior seeds and supply them to cooperative farms across the country.

Agricultural Science and Technology

The DPRK set it as the major task for developing its agricultural science and technology to realize comprehensive mechanization of the rural economy, find proper solutions to the problems that arise in the research to develop agriculture, and radically raise the scientific and technological level of agricultural workers.

Amid the dynamic campaign to develop agricultural science and technology, the mechanization and chemicalization of the rural economy have been promoted, many scientific and technological problems arising in agricultural production resolved, and the scientific and technological level of farmers improved. Latest models of tractors and other high-performance farming machines have been supplied, and advanced farming techniques and methods introduced in the farms all over the country.

Among the models of scientific farming are the Migok Cooperative Farm in Sariwon, Sinam Cooperative Farm in Ryongchon County, Samjigang Cooperative Farm in Jaeryong County and Tongbong Cooperative Farm in Hamju County.

Land Realignment

The DPRK pushed ahead with land realignment as a grand nature-harnessing project and a patriotic work of everlasting importance to increase agricultural production by obtaining new land, free farmers from hard labour by realizing comprehensive mechanization of the rural economy, eliminate once and for all the remnants of feudal land ownership, and hand over to posterity the land transformed as befits that of socialist Korea.

Kim Jong Il decided to launch land realignment in Kangwon Province, which was lagging behind other provinces in this regard and had unfavourable working conditions, and generalize the experience to transform the landscape of the country.

In hearty response to his appeal all the people turned out in the land realignment projects, with the result that in a few years hundreds of thousands of hectares of paddy and non-paddy fields were repartitioned into large standardized plots as befits the land of the socialist state.

Irrigation Network

Large-scale irrigation systems, including the Phyongnam, Kiyang, Amnokgang, Sohungho and Singye irrigation systems, ramify throughout the country. These irrigation systems cover all the paddy and nonpaddy fields in both lowland and highland regions.

Major irrigation systems have been interconnected in a circular way. Pumping-up irrigation systems, or gravitational waterways where appropriate, have been built according to the regional  characteristics.

At first irrigation systems were built separately in the regions and then connected with one another to form a loop.

In the new century the Kaechon-Lake Thaesong, Paengma-Cholsan, Miru Plain and other large-scale gravitational waterways have been built one after another. As a result, the country’s irrigation network has been developed to a higher level.

Gravitational Waterways

Gravitational waterways are built on the basis of the physical property of water that flows downward. The completion of gravitational waterway projects in the DPRK marks a new milestone in its irrigation history.Typical of them are the Kaechon-Lake Thaesong,Paengma-Cholsan and Miru Plain waterways.

The Kaechon-Lake Thaesong Waterway, built in 2002, flows along the 150-odd-km channel with a 23m difference in elevation, irrigating more than a hundred thousand hectares of paddy and non-paddy fields in 15 towns, counties and districts of South Phyongan Province, including Pyongyang and Nampho.

The total length of the gravitational waterways in the country is thousands of ri (ten ri equals 4km).

Now a large waterway in South Hwanghae Province and another connecting the irrigation network in South Phyongan Province with the Chongchon River are being built. 

The completion of these projects will signify the full establishment of the gravitational waterway system for the fertile farmland along the west coast, which has a large share in the country’s cereals production. In other provinces, towns and counties they are striving to build gravitational waterways of varying lengths in conformity with their local conditions.

Tideland Reclamation

The DPRK has a limited area of land under cultivation as mountains constitute nearly 80% of its territory. Tideland reclamation is crucial in expanding the area of arable land.

As early as the 1980s, the state worked out a plan for reclaiming hundreds of thousands of hectares of tideland, transforming into fertile fields the Tasado, Kwaksan (first stage), Sokhwa and other tidelands with favourable conditions on the west coast.

Reclaimed in 2010 was the Taegyedo tideland the size of a county. The project was the biggest of its kind in the country.

Now under way are the Kwaksan (second stage), Ryongmaedo, Honggondo and several other tideland reclamation projects.

Taegyedo Tideland

The Taegyedo project reclaiming 8 800 hectares of tidal flat, the biggest of its kind in the country, was finished in July 2010.

As a result, several islands scattered on the west coast were linked by a dam tens of kilometres long and the meandering coastline was shortened remarkably,redrawing the country’s map.

Now the tideland has become a comprehensive agricultural base, rendering a tangible contribution to improving the people’s standard of living–a vast expanse of crop cultivation area, fish farm covering an area of 100 hectares, salt works, modernly-equipped duck and oyster farms, and ponds teeming with flatfish and other species.

Organic Farming

The Korean Association for the Development of Organic Agriculture works according to the Law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on Organic Industry. Microbial compound fertilizer factories number several hundreds, and organic fertilizer factories are in Sukchon County, South Phyongan Province, and other parts of the country. The organic compound fertilizer factory in Pyongyang depends on the mud from the Pothong River. Model units have been set up in some farms for the purpose of establishing an organic farming system and introducing advanced technology, and modern livestock farms built in different parts. 

This has resulted in the establishment of a food production cycle.The methods of using mud snails in growing rice and introducing biological pesticide and other substances have been applied in cultivating and manuring the crops, thus strengthening pest control, saving manpower and
boosting productivity.

The DPRK is promoting cooperation and exchange with relevant international organizations. It acceded to the IFOAM in 2005 and is carrying on the project of building a bridge for the diffusion of knowledge about organic farming and increasing the capacity for the development of organic farming.

Crop Cultivation

The DPRK has brought about a fresh tubrn in crop cultivation by applying the Juche farming method to the letter.

It lays special emphasis on effecting the seed revolution, encouraging the double cropping based on the principle of grain with grain and making a radical improvement in potato and soybean farming.

Vegetable Growing

The DPRK pays close concern to supplying the people with plenty of fresh vegetables all the year round. There are many vegetable farms and work teams around cities and workers’ districts.

The fields for vegetable growing have been selected on the principle of sowing the right crop on the right soil and cultivating the right crop in the right season, and high-yielding seeds, appropriate watering systems, cultivation on terraces and multiple cropping have been introduced to meet the demand according to different seasons.

Taking seasonal characteristics into account,appropriate crops are selected to ensure sustained production, while hotbed and greenhouse cultivation is encouraged by radically increasing the number of modernly-equipped greenhouses.

Arched or adobe greenhouses covered with PVC sheeting, solar-heated greenhouses with a food production cycle and many other models of greenhouses have been built to ensure a high level of scientific and intensive cultivation.

Mushroom Production

It is an important policy of the DPRK government to provide the people with adequate amounts of tasty, nutritious mushrooms by putting mushroom production on an industrial and scientific footing.

Close attention has been directed to the research into mushroom cultivation. The Central Mushroom Institute has been newly built under the State Academy of Sciences to distribute original spores and cultivation techniques across the country. Modern mushroom farms have been built in Pyongyang and every province. Also, individual families grow mushrooms to improve their standard of living.

Industrial Crop Farming

The DPRK pays due concern to industrial crop farming, while focusing on cereals production. In order to meet the demand for raw materials of light industry industrial crops are planted intensively on the right soil, and fibre and oil-bearing crops are cultivated extensively, as well as crops for luxury items, medical use and other purposes.

Efforts are made to estimate the demand for each crop, fix the area suitable for its cultivation and the volume of production there, and to put production on a specialized, intensive basis by forming separate workteams and sub-workteams.

Such oil-bearing crops as perilla, sesame, sunflower and rape are sown on idle land, or sometimes arable land, and tended with care to increase their per-hectare

Livestock Farming

The livestock farming sector strives to solve the problem of domestic breeds and their feed, rear them scientifically, and adopt comprehensive anti-epizootic measures so as to boost livestock production. A mass drive is being conducted to raise grass-eating domestic animals, and collective livestock farming developed at cooperative farms and individual livestock farming in rural households, so that every place seethes with livestock farming.

The Youth Goat Farm in Hamhung, Unjong

Livestock Cooperative Farm in North Hwanghae Province, Kyenam Livestock Farm in South Hwanghae Province and other farms have been laid out as model units in livestock farming, and the successes and experiences gained in their work are being generalized across the country. Production is increasing at the Kanggye Chicken Farm and other modern livestock farms.

They have laid solid foundations for radically increasing the number of livestock by introducing advanced rearing techniques, resolving many scientific and technological problems, improving veterinary and anti-epizootic work, and boosting the output of nutritious, high-yielding crops for animal fodder.

Ostrich farming is in full swing.

The Sepho area is being turned into a large-scale livestock farming base.


The DPRK has newly set up a mechanism for the guidance of the fruit-growing sector and increases state investment in it to put production on a specialized,intensive footing.

Orchards of varying sizes have been built in large numbers, and dwarf apple trees and other good species arranged properly to boost the output. The processing and storage facilities have been updated to ensure enough supply of tasty, nutritious fruits and their processed products for the people.

Following the construction of the Taedonggang Combined Fruit Farm in Pyongyang, the material and technological foundations of the fruit farms in Kwail County, Pukchong County and other regions have been cemented, so that they can produce dozens of tons per hectare.

Recently, Kosan in Kangwon Province is being turned into a modern combined fruit farm.


The DPRK has consolidated the foundations for putting cocoon production on a highly specialized,intensive and modern footing—a vast expanse of mulberry fields and modern sericultural facilities in the regions with favourable conditions, and breeding new species of mulberries and silkworms.

The per-hectare yield of cocoons is rising at many farms including the Manpho Cocoon Farm in Jagang Province, Osan Cooperative Farm in Jongju, North Phyongan Province, and Sahyon Cooperative Farm in Kumya County, South Hamgyong Province.



'Huge leap forward for independence, Catalan vice president, Oriol Junqueras

Democracy and Class Struggle says the Catalan National Movement is in need of proletarian direction and leadership.

Israel, Saudi Arabia Setting Preconditions For War With Hezbollah

Red March - Moscow 7th November 2017 - Speeches - Translated by Dmytriy Kovalevich

In the video from Moscow we can see first the column of the United Communist Party (OKP) with banners “All power to the Soviets”, “New October will come”

We can see there also the flags of Italian Partito Communista, as their large delegation came to Russia to celebrate the centennial. 

In the column with red banners and black banners with a red star, we can see also Rot Front members, Russian Left Front, New Communist Movement (The Red Dawn), The Association of the Soviet Youth, Labor Russia. 

We can see also Catalan flags, the banner that reads “There are only two classes”. 

There presents also the group of national-bolsheviks (Another Russia) with the banner “We can repeat it” with young Lenin’s portrait.

Chanting: “Upper, upper red banner - capital is our main enemy”.

The first speaker (4:10) congratulates with the centennial of the biggest event in the world history.

“We are here tomorrow - near the monument to the 1905 Revolution’s heroes. On this place in early 20-th century took place severe battles - in 1905 and 1917 and then - in 1993, when the revanchists temporarily won and destroyed the achievements of the October revolution. 

But we all know that the Revolution has the beginning but has no end. 

As states the Declaration of Human Rights, an uprising under dictatorship is justified.

But Revolution is not only uprising - it is the birth of the new stars. And we’ll celebrate tonight this event. We’ll fight for the restoration of the revolution achievements. And our current rally is dedicated to this aim. 

There are present our Italian comrades. Let’s greet our Italian comrades! Hurrah to Italians!

The entire progressive humanity is with us today. We celebrate tonight the anniversary of the birth of the new world. I invite to speak: Alexander Batov from the Rot Front”. 

A.Batov: “We reached this day of the centennial, though we expected to celebrate it the other way. Back in 1990s when our communists faced hard times, struggling against Yeltsin’s regime, they used to tell each other: “2017 will come and definitely we’ll celebrate it under socialism”. 

Indeed, they believed, fought, hoped for it. So, this day has come. 

But unfortunately our country appeared not in socialism but thrown back into dark mediaeval times. 

You know, in many cities they open capsules with messages from 1967 to 2017. I read these messages and I’m ashamed for our country and people. Those who built and developed socialism, who fought and died for it - they believed that we would live under communism; that we would not lose but enforce communism and win the world communism. 

When the USSR opened the age of space travels, many writers, scientists and thinkers dreamed that 21 century would be the age of the united communist humanity. And they had some grounds to believe it as they did everything possible to make a task easier for us. But we appeared in 19-th century. 

We have now back - governors, tsar, gendarmes, and priests. We have landowners and capitalists. And there are also we - serfs and villains.”

Then A.Batov criticizes the policy of redistribution of Russian oil/gas revenues and social cuts. 

He also criticizes the KPRF way of celebration the centennial - in rich restaurants for public money, betraying the very ideas of the revolution. 

He calls KPRF parliamentary faction ‘puppet and fake communists’, who ‘serve to the bourgeois regime.’ 

He calls not to hope for the help of parliamentary communists but to fight and restore socialism relying only on own forces.

“We are not humans for bourgeoisie - they see all of us as just their ‘nutritive reserve’. The only language they understand - is the language of force and struggle. Therefore, the only way for us is the way of class struggle, struggle for our rights. And we should start it all anew”. 

The next speaker is comrade Ivanov from Bulgaria (17:20). 
He says that he is happy to be present there at the historical moment. He passes greetings from Bulgarian people. “Bulgarian workers, Bulgarian people is waiting for you, comrades!”

He reads an address from the Bulgarian Movement against Capitalism and The United Anti-Imperialist Front.

Bulgarian comrades in their address greet all progressive people with the centennial of the October revolution. The retreat from socialism has led to degradation and collapse in all former socialist countries. But many realized now that the capitalist restoration was a great mistake. 

And many people again wait for the Aurora’s shot. The fight for freedom can’t be separated from the fight for liberation from capitalist oppression, from its imperialist and fascist aggression. Socialism in many countries, despite some mistakes, has proved its superiority over the criminal capitalist system. 

Revolution goes on, comrades! - says a Bulgarian comrade. 

The next speakers - representatives of the New Communist Movement (Ukrainian refugees from Borotba). 

“We remember how our grandfathers and grandmothers lived before the revolution; how they were illiterate peasants and workers who had to work from dawn till sunset for a plate of soup. 

We remind of it because currently we re moving closer with each day to that situation. But we also remember how 100 years ago our ancestors said “Enough!” and revenged to landlords, capitalists, priests and their tsar. We remember how difficult for them it was to build new life. 

We are proud of them. We are the successors of the Lenin’s affair and proud of it. 

These were communists who destroyed the Russian Empire and made it a republic, eliminating the Romanov’s dynasty. We are proud of it. These were communists who destroyed churches to build schools and hospitals instead. And we are proud of it! These were communists who provided the oppressed peoples of the Empire the possibility to develop their cultures. 

And we are proud of it. We’ll repeat the October! And finally, we should chant: “Peace! Donbass! Working Class!”

The next speaker (25:20) is from Labor Russia. 

He reminds how the date was celebrated in past years. He says then that a working man will always celebrate the October revolution. 

The next speaker - from the Left Block, a guy from Siberia. 
He refutes the myths of Russian media that the October revolution allegedly destroyed Russian culture. He says that before the revolution the entire culture was available only for 3% of aristocracy and bourgeoisie. And after the revolution - all got an opportunity to get to know it. This reached the level of culture to higher level. 

Then he refutes another myth that allegedly only market approach and private owners can reach efficiency in economy. He says that the achievements of the USSR, including space programs, are the evidence that economy can function efficiently without private entrepreneurs. And this enabled the October revolution.

But we shouldn’t focus only in past, but look at the future becoming the voice of the poorest, who have no money and possibilities to defend their rights. We should raise their consciousness and speak their language. 

The new October revolution and the world revolution as its prolongation - awaits us in the future. Even now we can see the elements of the future socialism: we have websources, like wikipedia, based on crowdsourcing, renovative energy programs that aimed to make energy cheap and available and this possibly will target the market economy. 

Knowledge and energy are the base for future socialist economy. And we are witnessing it. Scandinavian countries are talking about introducing universal basic income which may enforce the people’s equality. We should orient to the modern technologies, looking at the future. 

Then he points out the necessity to develop the struggle in regions, ending with chanting: “Be it Moscow or Siberia - only the struggle provides rights”

The next speaker (37:18) is from the United Communist Party. 
He points out that the celebration is twofold because we should celebrate, but from the other hand we lost many revolution’s achievements, with the exception of only 8-hours working day at least formally. 

Therefore, it should be the celebration but also the struggle at once. We, who were adult in 1980s-1991, feel our guilt. We were not clever enough to realize who was the General Secretary (Gorbachev). When we finally realized it, it was too late - the 1991 counter-revolutionary coup happened. 

But this coup united all real communists who resisted eventually Yeltsin’s regime. 

(He enumerates then the rallies and protests actions of communists in 1990s.)

I greet everyone with the first in history victorious revolution of the proletariat! 

We should learn the lessons of October. And its main lesson: the ability of masses to believe in their own strength. It was the initiative of masses. Following the example of workers, the peasants revolted beginning to burn down landlords’ mansions - they managed to believe in their strength too! 

In Koronstadt in February 1917 crowds of sailors executed the officers who used to humiliate them before. Grassroot Soviets began to emerge all over the country, becoming a parallel, alternative power. Masses believed in their strength. They perceived that were able to build a society which was not yet seen in history. This would be a society of justice and decency - it is possible to build it - you just need to suppress all representatives of bourgeoisie.

And the next lesson of October: in any case, in any situation - don’t fear to make the first blow. 

In October 1917 there were some 300 000 in Petrograd who supported Soviets - Petrograd garrison, Baltic sailors, workers’ Red Guards, While the Provisional government of A.Kerensky was defended by 3000 - cadets and Cossacks. And Lenin insisted at the moment: let’s start now because the sentiments of soldiers may change. 

His opponents claimed: we can’t be the first to blow. Lenin said: why not? We can, otherwise we may lose everything tomorrow. Lenin knew Russian history: in 1825 the revolutionaries -Decembrists rose up - they had forces but didn’t dare to attack the first and eventually were shot from cannons.

Proletarian revolutionaries in 1917 were the first to attack - they stormed the Winter palace - and rightly. Many opposed Lenin inside the party, claiming that they should focus on elections rather. Lenin said: “No, we will not wait for elections”. 

And this is a lesson for us. When the time has come - don’t fear but beat with the full strength! The time will change anyway and the new October  is ahead  Hurrah !

For the Democracy and Class Struggle Marxist Leninist Maoist theoretical view of the October Revolution visit :

Tuesday, November 14, 2017

Catalonia ; A united front, but on separate tickets’

They Will Always Live - Siempre vivirán - Pablo Hasél con Elisa

How-Donetsk-celebrated-100th-anniversary-of-the-Great-October-Revolution by Julia Andrienko

“The seventh day of November is the red day on the calendar!” — so this day began in my childhood. It was a real holiday in the midst of gloomy November: with a parade, relatives coming from long distances, and universal joy.

Later I learned that behind it all there was the 8-hour working day, free healthcare and education, social security, and most importantly — unconditional pride for your country. But then I was just a little thing with balloons, and I took everything for granted: a three-room apartment in a new building given to my parents as young specialists, the absence of war in my country, and travel throughout the Soviet Union. How could it be otherwise? Now I know it could.

November 7 this year in Donetsk was rainy and gray, but long before the start of the march, scheduled for 10:30, people gathered at the entrance of the Krupskaya Library. Unfolding the banner – handing out signs. Here are some that I remember from childhood — miniature red and gold flags on wooden sticks. A woman opens a package — it’s full of improvised red bows — just like Ilyich’s on some postcards. Bows fly away instantly, like leaflets with such familiar calls: “Workers of all countries, unite!”, “Power to the Soviets, land to the peasants, peace to the peoples!” Most participants are people who still remember the Soviet demonstrations. But I see young people among them.

I approach a young participant, asking, didn’t school classes start?

“For me this is a great day, maybe the most glorious day in our history. I’ve been interested in this topic for a long time, I read a lot, today I’ve asked permission to be absent from school to take part in the procession, “says 16-year-old Alexander Gordeev.

We are Pioneers, children of workers

Suddenly I notice several kids with red ties in the crowd. They turn out to be Pioneers of the revived organization in the name of Vladimir Lenin, successors to the former Pioneer organization of the Soviet Union. They’re no different from me in 1986, except they have cell phones.

“I know that there are already about 400 pioneers in the Republic. The children want to be useful, they come to us by the call of their hearts,” says Anton Saenko, first secretary of the Makeyevsky Municipal Committee of the Lenin Komsomol of the Donetsk People’s Republic, who brought the Pioneers from Makeyevka. “Such an organization should exist — we help elders, tell the children about our history. Is it possible to strike it out? Alas, we do not have a law on political parties in the Republic right now, but this does not prevent us from doing good deeds.”

At 10.30 our motley column starts from the entrance of the Krupskaya Library towards Lenin Square. Four hundred strong, the demonstrators did not block Artem Street. To the sound of the “Internationale” performed by a brass band, people calmly walk along the sidewalk. In the hands of people, on their signs and banners, apart from revolutionary slogans, I see calls to stop the war one Donbass. Somewhere in the crowd comes a shout: “Glory to Great October!” Immediately comes the answer: “Hurray!” I hear the older generation addressing each other with the forgotten word “comrade!”

These people are unlikely to believe new films about Lenin and horror stories about the Soviet Union.

At the rally, deputies and militia speak. Particularly memorable was the statement by Beneth Ayo, a Black soldier of the armed forces of the Donetsk People’s Republic.

“Today we are celebrating a great event, which has yet to be evaluated by posterity. From my point of view, this is the most monumental event of the past century. We lost a lot with the breakup of the Soviet Union, we’ve been robbed of everything that was created in 70 years of Soviet power, but we must not lose our memory and history” — the man almost cries out with pain.

To the small rally on the Jubilee of October came a real internationalist, Christina Franz, a member of the German Left Party. The woman said that it is an honor for her to visit Donetsk and see its heroic people. After her speech, an elderly Donchanka came to her and handed Christine a rare postcard depicting Lenin. One woman with the Donbass dialect, the other with a German accent, talked like old friends.


Ukraine-and-October-one-hundred-years-of-the-banned-revolution by Andriy Manchuk

November 7, 2017: In the commentary on the centennial of the October Revolution, two extremes can be seen. On the one hand, we don’t tire of talking about the outstanding significance of this historic event, about its achievements, accomplishments and victories. But those who fall into pathos recall that a century later, the legacy of October is reduced to nothing. And the holiday of the victory of the revolutionary forces has to be celebrated in days of obvious defeat — when these forces have long since dried up, and their flags are lying now somewhere in the dustbin of history, where they are picked up by political rogues and fringes.

This situation is particularly evident in the countries of the former USSR, which were the scene of great events a century ago. After all, right now the Russian guardians join with the liberals in a common struggle against Lenin‘s mausoleum, to bury together with Lenin’s body all hopes for a socialist perspective of his country. And in Ukraine, the process of “decommunization” is coming to an end, designed once and for all to put an end to the left in the ideological and political sense.

Contemporary Ukrainian historiography describes the October insurrection as a “coup,” wishing to give it a pejorative connotation and emphasize the difference with Euromaidan, which immediately received the propaganda title “Revolution of Dignity.” But in Ukraine they do not know that for many years the Bolsheviks themselves called the October events a coup, not at all conflicted about it. 

However, a hundred years later the words “October Revolution” are known all over the world, and the uprising in Petrograd is rightfully considered one of the central episodes of modern history, no matter how people of different political views judge its results. And Euromaidan, which was recently covered online by the world’s leading media, has already been forgotten.

The thing is, a revolution doesn’t become a revolution just because it is called that the next day by the political engineers of the new regime. It remains in history as a genuine revolution only when it leads to radical, essential transformations of the social and economic system — and Euromaidan only accelerated and aggravated one hundredfold all the crisis processes that have been going on for more than 20 years in the ugly society of post-Soviet market restoration.

It is this restoration — that is, the systematic struggle against the legacy of October — that represents the essential content of Ukrainian politics for the last quarter of a century. From the very beginning, it set out to solve the main tasks of the new ruling class: anti-communism was supposed to provide ideological support for the plundering of property accumulated in Soviet times, and also protect the new elites from the notorious threat of “socialist revenge.” The anger of the dissatisfied masses was effectively transferred to the “eternal external enemy of the nation” while simultaneously neutralizing the demonized leftists, who were represented as its “fifth column.” 

Such a strategy not only saved the palaces and offices of the new owners of life from persecutions — it opened broad opportunities for manipulating the protest moods of Ukrainians. Robbed as a result of market reforms, people were repeatedly brought to the square under the slogans of expanding and deepening these reforms, using these fake replicas of revolutions for internal competition. At the same time, the disastrous results of the antisocial policy of the post-Soviet period were written off and attributed to the pernicious consequences of what is called “Soviet totalitarianism”. Although this sounds very ambiguous in the totalitarian-to-the-marrow society of post-Maidan Ukraine, where many ugly practices of the Stalin period were revived.

The irony is that the modern Ukrainian state was fully formed during the Soviet era, following the October Revolution — something the Russian Black-Hundred nationalists do not tire of reminding them. This applies not only to its borders, which included extensive historical areas with different histories and cultural specifics. The production and agricultural base, science, education, medicine, infrastructure, social policy and culture — everything that was swallowed and mined for predatory purposes for the last 25 years, was created precisely in the era of Soviet Ukraine.

This epic process is usually illustrated with images of a unique Mriya or space rocket of the Yuzhmash plant. But its best reflection is the picture of schoolchildren in a poor Ukrainian village, with a self-made poster: “Children of all countries, unite! Long live the 4th anniversary of October, which gave us education in a remote corner.” Since it is precisely this necessary basis, which the revolution provided, that made possible all further achievements and successes — up to nuclear physics, cybernetics and space exploration.

Denying October, and completely abandoning the legacy of the Soviet period — which by no means boils down to the tragedies of repression and the Holodomor — Ukraine, in fact, denies its own existence and its future. And not in a symbolic way — as the experience of recent years has convincingly shown. 

“The entire economic program of Euromaidan can be reduced to the forced dismantling of the remains of the socially-oriented state system of the Soviet era, which until now allowed Ukrainians to somehow make ends meet. Its destruction was conceived almost as the main task — along with the assertion of a state ideology of ethnic nationalism on the scale of a multinational country created by a criminal communist government, and naturally destroyed under the clamor of anti-communist slogans. And the dismantling of monuments to Lenin is only a symbolic expression of this antisocial policy of ‘de-Sovietization’ in the public spaces of cities and villages of Ukraine,” I wrote in 2014.

As a result of this policy, Ukraine now exists in the mode of countermortality described in the well-known story of the Strugatsky brothers — that is, moving backwards in time, returning to its past. Destroying the achievements of the Soviet era, we are objectively approaching those times that preceded October, gradually turning into an archaic deindustrialized country where poorly educated, disenfranchised and hopelessly poor people live. Which, in fact, is the price for the denial of its revolutionary birthright.

Of course, the political memory of modern society is shorter than a late November day. But if we discard the usual narrow vision in order to consider Euromaidan in the context of the age-old history of our country, we will see that the “Revolution of Dignity” was no more than another stage in the long process of counter-revolutionary pullback from the true revolution of 1917 — following 1991, 1993 and 2004. And the fight against the proscribed legacy of the October Revolution shows that the life of Ukraine — and indeed of other post-Soviet countries — is still being rebuilt from this event, hated by our officials, which took place a century ago.

Imagine — even the long-forgotten sailor-commandant Yevdokim Ognev, who fired the historic shot of the Aurora, is officially included in the “List of persons falling under the law on decommunization.”

He fired to frighten the enemy, and a hundred years later they still are. And this should give us hope.


Translated by Greg Butterfield