Saturday, January 20, 2018




VIRASAM vows to fight fascism

Mahabubnagar: Members of Viplava Rachayitala Sangham (VIRASAM) on Sunday vowed to continue their fight against the 'Brahminical Fascism' and 'Imperialist Fascism'. They were speaking at the two-day 26th State Conference of the organisation, which concluded here on Sunday.Around 1500-2000 people attended the conference.

Seminars on topics ranging from Brahminical Hindu fascism, literature against Brahminism and democratic culture, Hindu caste nature, perspectives on literature against Hinduism and others were organised.

Eminent social activists, professors and journalists participated in the conference which was attended by a huge crowd from Telangana, and the neighbouring Andhra Pradesh.

Professor Anand Teltumbde, Professor Haragopal, Varalakshmi, UOH Scholar Udaya Bhanu, Duddu Prabhakar, Shivarathri Sudhakar, Professor Kasim, Veerasathedar, Siasat Editor Zahid Ali Khan, Kalyan Rao and Varavara Rao spoke on various issues related to Brahminical Hindu fascism prevailing in the country under BJP's rule.

Today Virasam is the only open mass organization supporting the Maoist trend and it is significant that it was formed in the time the formal C.P.I.(M.L.) Party led by Charu Mazumdar called for abandoning mass organizations.

Its function in the hour of the ascendancy of fascsim has great significance in shaping the future of the revolutionary movement in India.The participation of proDalit and anti-fascsit speakser oustide Andhra Pradesh and Telengan alike Anand Teltumbde and Vir Sathidar had great significance.

VIRASAM ( Viplava Rachayithala Sangam)- Revolutionary Writers' Association's 26 th Mahasabhalu (2 day conferences ) was conducted on 13,14 Jan,2018 at City Crown Function Hall. The premises was remembered as Maddilety Pranganam, the Hall as C.V memorial, and the venue is remembered as Gouwri Lankesh dais. Thousands of people attended from all the districts of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. The Theme for theconference was " Hindu Brahmanical Fascism and its worst impact on modern society. Speakers like Pro. Haragopal, Duddu Prabhakar ( KNPS). V.V, Kalyana Rao, Paani, Varalakshmi, Pro. Kasim, Veera Sattedar from Nagapur, Pro. Anand Telthumbde ang others attended.

The conference resolved the following Resolutions.

1. to strengthen peoples' fight against the Hindu Brahmanical Fascism
2. To support MRPS movement
3. To fight against all kinds of oppression


Varalaxmi Secretary of Virasam said:

This time, the 26th Congress is going to discuss Brahminical Hindu fascism as the center. After the BJP's full majority, the majority of communalism is getting worrying. From the stage of communal politics and the Hindu communalism, it is fascist, especially when it comes to violence in the freedom of expression, personal wishes, habits, the persecution of the believers, the persecution of the state and the persecution of Hindutva.

In the history of fascism, fascist governments have a political background. The contradiction in the capitalist mode of production has been a constant crisis of its market. In order to get out of the crisis, it swells markets to weaken weak countries and expand its market. In that sense, it became imperialism and caused global warfare.

Another way to choose to get out of the crisis is to further crush the working class and squeeze the labor further. For this, it will break labor rights. Bourgeois democracy is a barrier to the right that demands that it is not a matter of democracy, but a dictatorship.

Fascists who have not yet come to power in industrial strikes in Italy have been attacked by workers. For the purposes of the country, for the sake of sustainability, peace and development, calls for the suppression of the forces of anger.

Thus, the bourgeois group has chosen to be their representative. Fascists said that the benefits of bourgeois interest are the racial benefits.

The hardened nationality is the political death of the working class. This nationality concept is in the RSS. The powers are very impressive. While India was a colonial regime, the concept of nationalism came from British anti-imperialism. But the RSS does not oppose British imperialism. It has come to religion for nationality. It raised Hindu nationalism but Hinduism was very weak.

There is no organization, religion, one standard book, one god and beliefs. The architecture of the stone in India, with different faiths, practices and customs, is only a caste system. The caste system conserving the interests of the feudal class is survived under Brahminical domination.

Brahmina supremacist forces are in favor of imperialism in the interests of the class. The British rulers continued to keep themselves from touching the caste system. RSS. The predicted Hindutva essence is the Brahminical dominant caste system. The culture that it says is the classic culture of the Varna Dharma. Manamma is its constitution. Only these are not the power of the people to mobilize its nationality. For that reason, Muslim hatred took place.

Nationalism and nationalism from the British anti-imperialist counterparts, which propagated Hindu nationalism from the Muslim opposition. It is the adversary of the communists for communal purposes. 

The expansion into the RSS strata has been strengthened by Hindu nationalism in the form of Ekattha Yatra and Shilanyis. There is also a Congress role, along with the Sangh. India's parliamentary democracy has been a road leading to Hindu fascism. 

There are religious fundamentalists in the dominant castes and feudal forces involved in the national movement from the first to the Congress. Later they came to play an active role in the government ... in the political circles of the Brahminical Hindutva. From the beginning, the Indian ruling class of India is a Brahminical Hinduism.

The Brahminical Supremacy, the pro-imperialist economy, leads the social sectors of our country's politics. From many democratic and anti-Brahmins movements, the Constitution of India has dictated secular democratic and socialist objectives from the expanding modern domination of the world. But the nature of its semi-colonial semi-feudal parliamentary politics does not democratize the society, but it is widening the space for Hindutva fascists.

As the dominant power of Brahminical social cultural ideology, Dalit, the imperialist political exploitation force, the two are fascinating in our country. The common people of the Brahmin Hindu Fascist also came to know when the BJP first came to power at the Center. Its political strategy in Gujarat is also clear. The Hindu communalism, along with the Brahmanical ideology, has been very complicated with the imperialist power. If it is not clearly identified as a Brahmin Hindu Fascism, it will be shadowed by shadow.

Today, Narendra Modi's leadership is displaying nude in all areas of the Sangh Parivar. 

We have seen history in the history of suppressing the working class by establishing the fascist dictatorship of the imperialist investment growth, to get out of the market crises. In many countries, governments with development-resistant dictatorship are coming to power.

The fascist danger to the Brahminical Hindu nationalism was due to the specific social system in India. However, in India, the hard-line caste system has a number of contemptuous traditions from the very first against Brahminism. There are tangible resistance tones. There are great successes of great democratic revolution. 

To combat aggressive pre-existing Brahminical Hindu fascism, the strength of the resistance forces is to be estimated in this soil. To unite. Brahminical Hindu fascism has political roots, which can be prevented by the resistance fighters of the castes, democratic and rationalist movements, and powerful sectarianism.

Let's discuss these issues in the Conferences. Must come. Make a success. (26th Congress of Viceroy, 13-14 January, Crown Gourdon Function Hall (Old MVS College), New Town, Mahabubnagar)For two consecutive years, the Conference will organize a discussion of the literary school and analyze and discuss it from different angles. 

In 1985, following the Ghadawala literary school, the 'Brahmin Hindu fascism' was held for a period of about two days, taking the parades in the Palamore area again. We have now made an attempt to explain the political and ideological origins of the prevalent incidents in the country.

The cultural origin of the Hindu nationalism of Sangh Parivar is the dominance of the ladder of the ladder in the Brahminical Dhamma. The revolutionary movement defines it as a fascist Hindu fascism. 

We are grateful to Professor Anand Teltumbude, PRsman Veerasdhadar, Sialat Editor Zaheer Ali Khan and Comrade Prabhakar who shared their ideas in the House along with us on this topic. Thanks to the friends of the Palestinian people and the literate friends who have given us a sense of success through the success of the invitation society and the success of the invitations, We strongly condemn the government's stance that has no permissions for the procession.

 We did not allow our procession to juggle public public intellectual policies, misunderstandings, and public hunt. While halling is limited to the meeting, we have a large number of people who are thankful to their supporters. The 26th Congress of the Vicerinas 15 unanimously passed the resolutions.

1. The government is silent on the dalits and murders of all over the country. Ministers themselves constitute the constitution and the violation of the law. The BJP has come to power to enforce fascism for the purposes of corporate forces. We call for united movements to prevent this.

 2. We condemn the attacks on the authors, ABVP and other organizational groups and the University professors and the government and the police have not tried to stop them.

3. We condemn the repudiation of journalists by killing journalists and the liberation of press freedom.

 4. We condemn the detention and arrest of Mrs. Krishna's arrest on MRPS. We are inclined to do the SC Classification Act immediately.

 5. Removing the plots from the ST list and demanding a different alternative to them, the government demands justice for adivasis.

6. We condemn the false case against Comrade Kalyan Rao, a member of the martyrs martyrs. Besides, there is no objection to the Prabhakar pillar constructed in Secunderabad and the arrest of the Prabhakar family members and the members of the society.

7. The government condemns the dharna against the mass protests against bulletin encounters, and the police are forced to arrest the mother martamanumma.

8. Over 1600 farmers committed suicide due to the Telangana government. This is the same situation across the country. The rulers are showing criminal negligence. We condemn it, and we're dying to move governments to solve the problems of farmers.

9. In Jharkhand we are demanding the lifting of ban on the Mazdoor Sangathan Samiti (MSS).

10. The Telangana and Andhra Pradesh governments are demanding the immediate bringing of anti-ramification legislation demanding rationalists and mass organizations.

11. China's social imperialism dominates the markets of countries backed up and exploits natural resources. It was a new imperialist country that intervened in the internal affairs of the countries competing with the United States. People call on the people to fight against the American and Chinese imperialism.

 12. Telangana and Andhra Pradesh are raising royalty. By fraudulent encounters, they are implementing dictatorship by putting up the vocals, sabhas, freedoms, attacks on public organizations and fraudulent cases. We strongly condemn this.

13. Violence for the refugees who are refugees in neighboring countries in Myanmar is proclaiming full support. The Myanmar government demands the immediate stopping of the damages on the Rohingya. The Government of India decides to provide full protection and full rights to refugees from India as refugees.

 14.India Prime Minister Modi, American President Trump and Israeli president Netanyahu's alliance formed the world's dangerous nation-wide evil.

This calls for people to different groups to recognize and resist. 15. Over the past two months, more than 50 students have committed suicide in Srichaitanya and Narayana colleges in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh.

Governments are enabling students to educate their businesses after opening the door to exploit the education of many corporate subsidies in the name of education. Vidarayam is demanding that the government take free education to all the students, to take action against the corporate college. 16.01.2018 

Pani, Secretary Varalakshmi, the former secretary Revolutionary Authors Association

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Nepal : Biplab Group: A Brief Study by Mohan Baidhya ‘Kiran’

(This is the article published in ‘Maowadi’ (Maoist), the official organ of the Communist Party of Nepal (Revolutionary Maoist). First, it was published in Nepali vernacular and Comrade Indra Mohan Sigdel ‘Basanta’, Secretariat Member of the CC, CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) has translated it in English. 

It highlights the ideological and political aspect of Nepal Communist Party, led by Netra Bikram Chanda, which is known as ‘Biplab Group’. It will be beneficial for those who wants to know the actual position of Bivlav Group. 

We agree with this assessment— ”right deviation manifested in left form”, done by CPN (Revolutionary Maoist).


Having separated from the erstwhile Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, Biplab group had formed the CPN Maoist after presenting dissension when the expanded meeting of party’s central committee was being held in November 2014. It is going to be about three years since then.

The document adopted by the first national convention of our party organized in December 2014 had written, “We should name the thinking and trend seen in Biplab group as right deviation manifested in left form.” 

The resolution had said that Biplab group has drowned in to the quagmire of negative dialectics, empiricism and eclecticism in the sphere of philosophy, that it has laid special emphasis on the role of middle class by pushing aside the role of workers and peasants to secondary position in the arena of political economy and that it has shown symptoms of pro-imperialist and pro-expansionist trends in it and that it has embraced a concept of power sharing with the regressive forces in the field of scientific socialism.

This group has already convened its eighth congress in February 2017. It has removed Maoism from its party name and writes Communist Party of Nepal only. The congress has adopted a political report and has synthesized party’s ideology, outlook, line, policy and programme in it. The main objective of this article is in brief to study and synthesize the main aspects of ideology, outlook and general line put forward by the political report, not the whole document.

International and National context:

Biplab group has drawn up a necessary conclusion on the fundamental and principal contradictions and various issues of the national and international level by assessing the national and international situation. The conclusion, which looks strikingly new in form but has the same old essence when studied deeply.

While discussing the present world, capitalist world-order, post-imperialism, neo-colonial condition, postmodern culture etc. have been mentioned in the political report. 

Nevertheless, the terminologies like neo-liberalism, financialisation of capital, monopoly capitalism etc. have not been used in it. 

The report writes, “Following the dissolution of previous Soviet Union, capitalism has prevailed in the world, though temporarily. The post-imperialism has been prevailing under the leadership of the US.” (Political report page 12). The way how the terminology post-imperialism has been used here is an indication of very serious political deviation emerged in Biplab group.

The report has mentioned about the international political contradictions. They are of five kinds: 1) the struggle between power centres, 2) the contradiction between powerful nations and Muslim countries, 3) the contradiction between post-imperialism and socialist forces, 4) the contradiction between comprador elements and people and 5) the contradiction between post imperialism and oppressed nations. Two of the contradictions placed in number 3 and number 5 have provided strong basis for this group to make a shift towards other side. 

None of the revolutionary communist parties accepts the contradiction placed in the third and fifth number as basic or principal contradiction in the world today. On the one hand, there is no any socialist force in the state power today. And, on the other, the usage of the term post-imperialism in place of imperialism is the declaration of the end of imperialism itself.

In the same manner, the report has assessed about the national situation and the contradictions in it. It says there four contradictions namely a) the struggle between the comprador state power and the revolutionary forces, b) the struggle between comprador elements and patriotic forces, c) the struggle among the parliamentarian comprador forces and 4) the struggle between comprador state power and the entire masses of the oppressed classes, nations, regions and sex. It says that the first contradiction is the principal contradiction. (Ibid page 24). 

Here, on the one hand, peculiar terminologies like comprador state power have been used and on the other the terminologies like comprador bourgeoisie, bureaucratic bourgeoisie and feudal class have not been used in the respective places. Perhaps, it has been done so in their whim to becoming new.

What is the new state of affairs of the country? The document writes, “Nepal, which was in the semi-colonial condition after Nepal-British war and in semi-feudal condition after the end of Rana regime, has now changed into a neo-colony as a result of Indian imperialist intervention and into comprador capitalism after the launching of people’s war and the establishment of republic. It is a new situation as regards the politico-economic relation.” (Ibid page 50).

Mainly four things draw attention here. First, what has been categorically stated here is that Nepal is not in semi-feudal condition. Second, the neo-colonial oppression has been so mentioned that it has begun lately. 

In fact, the imperialism has been following the path of neo-colonialist oppression since the Second World War. Third, only comprador capitalism has been stated here, not the bureaucratic capitalism. Fourth, India has been termed as imperialism, not expansionism. Which terms have been used here and which ones should have been used is a question of debate. Let us not go towards that now. Their position that Nepal has already undergone the capitalist development is the main question here.

In the context of class analysis of the country, this group has presented a peculiar type of conception, that is: “New working class (middle class).” (Ibid page 54). According to the Marxist point of view, the middle class in general is national bourgeoisie.

However, it can never be a working class. Notably this group has introduced in their document a concept that middle class is a working class under the heading: “Some important theoretical questions” as if it is a newly developed concept. It is a right deviation of serious nature witnessed in the context of class analysis.

Questions relating to philosophy:

In the report, some important questions of philosophy have been revised. They are related with the basic propositions established and developed by Marx, Lenin and Mao.

The report writes, “It is a question of developing the notion synthesized by Marx that ‘philosophers have only interpreted the world, but the point is to change it’. The notion Marx has said is correct, but what has the failure of socialism proved is that only to change the object is not all but to defend and develop the changed object is the main.” (Ibid page 39).

Here, the main aspect and essence regarding Marxist philosophy have been distorted. In the name of developing Marxism, Biplab group has attempted to replace change by defence and development. 

It is an opposite step in the philosophical front.

Same report writes, “The question of philosophy is related to developing the law of unity of opposites in dialectical materialism. Philosophically, the unity of opposites is the life of an object. This concept is correct. But, it is mechanical to understand that the law of unity of opposites is applied in nature and society in the same manner. … The opposite elements which are required for the existence of non-living things may not be necessarily required for the living beings, it is necessary to figure out which opposite is necessary and which is not for the given living being because the quantity and characteristics of opposites in the society and party are multidimensional.” (Ibid page 39). 

Here the report says that the law of unity of opposites does not apply in party and by so saying it has attempted to revise Marxism in the philosophical front.

The protracted nature of two-line struggle in the party is decided by the protracted nature of class struggle in the society. The political training material prepared by the CPC, writes, “The protracted nature of the class struggle in the society determines the protracted nature of the two-line struggle within the Party. As long as there are classes, class contradictions and class struggle … the two-line struggle within the Party, which is the reflection of these contradictions, will also carry on.” (The basic understanding of the CPC page 52). Here, it has shed light on the protracted nature of inter-relation between class struggle in the society and two-line struggle in the party.

In the same manner, it further writes, “Only if we firmly grasp the protracted nature of the class struggle and the two-line struggle will we be able to understand the laws which govern their ebb and flow, their high tides and low tides, and the twists and turns of these struggles. Only then will we be fully prepared, will we be in a position to take the initiative in the class struggle and in the struggle between the two lines.” (Ibid). Special emphasis has been laid here in correctly understanding the nature of class struggle and two-line struggle and accordingly in taking initiative of and preparing for their resolution.

In the same manner, the report says that there is a need to wage struggle on the possible deviation and wrong thinking that can arise in the course of development of and new inventions in the natural science and on the need to develop dialectical and historical materialism as well. It is correct; but, when the main proposition and essence of Marxist philosophy has been attacked, to talk about the development of philosophy does not have any sense, rather it is ridiculous.

Evidently, Biplab group has, on the one hand, hammered out in the essence of unity of opposites developed as a basic law of materialist dialectics and on the other, has given up the importance of intra-party two-line struggle reflected as the protracted nature of class struggle in the society. 

In this way, monolithism and right opportunism both are going to prevail simultaneously in this group.

Questions related to post-imperialism:

One of the main questions put forward by Biplab group is post-imperialism. This group has made the post-imperialism a central question in their documents and other reference matters. It is a thing that needs to pay serious attention.

The political report adopted in their eighth congress writes,

 “Instead of using the terminology imperialism only in the old fashion, it seems objective to use the term post-imperialism by adding the appropriate term post, which means altered, latest and approaching to its extreme, before the term imperialism.” (Political report, page 41).

The logic which has been placed here to denote the new characteristics of imperialism – altered, latest and approaching to its extreme – is completely wrong. Because, post-imperialism means after imperialism and it means imperialism does not exist anymore. Therefore, it is a serious deviation in their using of the term post-imperialism.

Imperialism has changed to a certain extent. However, has it qualitatively changed than what Lenin had defined? No, certainly not. 

Lenin had said, “Imperialism is a specific historical stage of capitalism. Its specific character is threefold: imperialism is (1) monopoly capitalism (2) parasitic, or decaying capitalism (3), moribund capitalism. The supplanting of free competition by monopoly is the fundamental economic feature, the quintessence of imperialism.” 

The aforesaid questions Lenin had said about imperialism are equally true even today. In real sense, the imperialism is monopoly capitalism and the monopolistic form of capitalism is imperialism.

However Biplab group says, “Now we are ahead of Lenin by 100 years. It is the period of intensive industrial development. It is the stage of fourth industrial revolution according to economic analysts. The development of internet, digital and cyber technology is its characteristics. This development has reached to a very new situation than what Lenin had analysed and synthesised.” (Ibid page 41). 

Here, it gives a sense that imperialism has been different than what Lenin had defined. Also, the industrial development and revolution which has been talked here is technologism. 

Hence, imperialism has not been defined in terms of economic and political content but has been imprisoned in technology.

Biplab group while discussing imperialism defined by Lenin has used the terminology monopoly, but while discussing about the characteristics of post-imperialism, they have nowhere mentioned about monopoly. Thus, Biplab group has not used the term post-imperialism unknowingly or mistakenly. 

Evidently, ‘monopoly’ becomes principal aspect in the imperialism defined by Lenin but it is not so in post-imperialism. Because, post-imperialism is the state of affairs after imperialism.

How much correct is the usage of the terminology, post-modernism, a left intellectual says,

 “The world system has not entered into a new “non-imperialist” phase that is sometimes characterised as “post-imperialist.” On the contrary, it is by nature an imperialist system exacerbated to the extreme.” (The liberal virus, p. 22, Aakar books, 2005). Samir Amin had expressed this while opposing the authors of the book “Empire” Hardt and Negri who have come with a proposition that imperialism has vanished and what is left is only empire. 

Hardt and Negri are also known as post-Marxists.

Hardt and Negri had said, “Empire manages hybrid identities, flexible hierarchies, and plural exchanges through modulating networks of command. The distinct national colours of the imperialist map of the world have merged and blended in the imperialist global rainbow.” (Preface: Empire Harvard University Press London, 2001). 

According to Hardt and Negri, the imperialism is no more an exploitative and oppressive system and the borders of nation states have disappeared. Therefore, they use the term empire in place of imperialism.

Line, policy and programme

After split, Biplab group has been talking about many things on line, policy and programme, which look like a new. In the context of mentioning line, policy and programme, there is ambiguity in both comprehending and conceptualising them and in determining them as well. It is eclecticism in the philosophical language.

In this context, it is appropriate to study their few positions adopted in the eighth congress by quoting them. On unified people’s revolution, the report says, “After imperialism has reached to its new characteristics, its solution is not possible by the lines developed by Lenin and Mao. Revolution is not possible only by insurrection from cities or by protracted people’s war from the countryside. Therefore, the revolutionaries must develop line in view of today’s political characteristics and contradictions. Based on this stance and study, we have synthesised the line of Nepalese political revolution to be unified people’s revolution. (Political report, page 43).

In the context of discussing line, the political report has presented unified people’s revolution as a military line arguing that the armed insurrection and protracted people’s war developed by Lenin and Mao are insufficient. However, right after this, the questions like development of urban society, new working class and science and technology have been mentioned as the characteristics of unified people’s revolution. Then again the report writes, “The line of ‘Unified People’s Revolution’ which has been synthesised in view of the said specificities is new and important not only politically but militarily as well.” (Ibid page 44).

In these excerpts, the unified people’s revolution has been mentioned on the one hand as a military line only and on the other as political and military line both. Hence, unified people’s revolution has not been presented in a clear manner.

Right in this backdrop, this group has talked of military line as well. The same political report writes, “The military line of unified people’s revolution is not necessary and appropriate to discuss here because we have already adopted it from a special convention.” (Ibid page 44). What is understood from this is that this group has also adopted a military line. Trying to know more about the distinct policy, plan and the technical aspect of that line is not right. But, what is the basic aspect of military line? Is it mainly people’s insurrection or protracted people’s war or any other or none? It is not right to keep people in dark on these questions. It can be said as mysticism witnessed in military line. The revolutionary communists do not cultivate mysticism on the important questions like military line.

Then what is the political programme or line of this group? 

The report writes, “Previously we had built up a line of new democracy, for our country was in semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition. But, on account of ten years of people’s war, establishment of republic, introduction of comprador capitalism, rise of neo-colonial condition etc., merely the political programme of new democracy is inadequate and lags behind the situation. On the other, new democracy is not a long and permanent stage also. It is only a step to enter into socialism. The fundamental system of state power for the communists is scientific socialism. Taking example of Mao, he accomplished revolution in 1949 and applied new democracy but did not let it go for long. He proposed to go to socialism soon. In this sense, it is not objective to make the political programme to be new democracy only, to make it scientific socialism is correct and objective. Only by building up an objective programme can the new friends and associate forces be polarised and unified around revolution. So, the scientific socialism should be adopted as an upcoming political programme.” (Ibid page 47).

A long quotation has been presented here. But even then the thing is not clear yet. Whether the present stage of revolution is bourgeois democratic or socialist and whether the present political programme is new democracy or socialism, is very much confusing. On the one hand, the report says, “Only new democracy is insufficient” and on the other it writes, “Scientific socialism should be the upcoming programme for Nepal.” Biplab group, having been reluctant to put their position in the straightforward way, has attempted here to create confusion by making use of ambiguous and fascinating language. Here eclecticism has been utilised very much “skilfully.”

After all, what is the fact? In the context of discussing entire party policies, the following position has been placed as party’s political policy: “After smashing the comprador bourgeois parliamentary state in Nepal, people’s political system will be the establishment of new democracy and socialism. (Ibid page 55). Here the quote says that party’s political line, programme or strategy is said to be new democracy and scientific socialism both at a time. It is an ugly example of eclecticism and pluralism as well.

The new democratic revolution and socialist revolution are two different processes and distinct stages that are accomplished in a certain historical context of the certain country. One must not present them in an eclectic way. 

For example Mao says, “Every Communist ought to know that, taken as a whole, the Chinese revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party embraces the two stages, i.e., the democratic and the socialist revolutions, which are two essentially different revolutionary processes, and that the second process can be carried through only after the first has been completed. 

The democratic revolution is the necessary preparation for the socialist revolution, and the socialist revolution is the inevitable sequel to the democratic revolution.” (Selected works of Mao Tse-tung Vol. II, 330/331). Here, Mao has very correctly and explicitly mentioned about two different stages and processes of new democratic revolution and socialist revolution and the mutual relation between them. This excerpt by Mao deserves paying necessary attention.

Likewise, “On Coalition Government” Mao says, “Our Party must also have a specific programme for each period based on this general programme. Our general programme of New Democracy will remain unchanged throughout the stage of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, that is, for several decades. But from phase to phase during this stage, conditions have changed or are changing and it is only natural that we have to change our specific programme accordingly. For example, our general programme of New Democracy has remained the same throughout the periods of the Northern Expedition, the Agrarian Revolutionary War and the War of Resistance against Japan, but there have been changes in our specific programme because our friends and enemies have not remained the same in the three periods.” (Mao Tse-tung Vol. 3 page 285).

According to Mao’s aforesaid excerpt, the revolutions to be accomplished in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country are new democracy, a minimum programme and socialism, a maximum programme. In the semi-feudal, semi-colonial or neo-colonial country like Nepal, we too regard new democracy as the minimum and socialism as the maximum programme. So long as our ultimate goal, target or destination is concerned, undoubtedly it is communism.

Similarly, Mao has talked of programme and policy in terms of line also. In this context, he has stated about general line and general policy, specific line and specific policy. From this angle, the terms like general line and general policy, and specific line and specific policy of new democratic revolution have been used.

If Biplab group wants to say that social and economic condition of Nepalese society has completely changed, and the revolution does not take place in the old fashion, then it should come clearly. While talking about programme and line, they must not concoct a hodgepodge of new democracy and socialism at one place. Eclecticism and pluralism are both harmful for revolution.

Strong and weak aspects

While studying Biplab group ideologically and politically, it is better to discuss their strong and weak aspects by putting them side by side. Biplab group’s strong aspects are as follows.

First, this group has regarded the first, second and the third international positively while discussing the international communist movement. It has said that the period from October revolution of 1917 to new democratic revolution of 1949 is very much popular period. Following the death of Stalin, the twentieth congress led by Khrushchev and the modern revisionism has been opposed. Stalin has been highly valued but in doing so, Mao’s evaluation of Stalin has been minimised. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has been positively assessed. RIM’s initiative has been slightly touched.

Second, while talking about Nepalese communist movement, this group regards not to elect Puspalal as general secretary of the CC in the first and second congresses was a mistake. Peasants rebellion led by Bhim Dutta Panta and Jhapa rebellion has been acknowledged in a positive sense. Upholding the initiation of people’s war in 1952 positively, the right deviation emerged in Prachanda-Baburam in the later part of time has been opposed.

Third, while discussing national situation, they say new democratic revolution has not yet completed, the country is in the neo-colonial condition and the need to accomplish new democratic revolution has not been negated.

Fourth, Biplab group has been waging struggles centring on the questions of national independence, democracy and people’s livelihood. Basing on the common issues like national independence and the centenary of October Revolution we have carried out joint activities through tactical unity.
Weak aspects present in Biplab group are as follows:

First, the report, which was adopted in the eighth congress on world outlook and philosophy, is very much wrong. It is a serious attack and revision on the philosophical principle developed by Marx, Lenin and Mao. On the one hand, it has stood against the proposition put forward by Marx and Engels based on the concept of changing the world and, on the other, it has targeted against the basic law of materialist dialectics developed further by Lenin and Mao. It has tried to change dialectics into metaphysics.

Second, the way how this group has introduced the concept of post-imperialism, it has completely negated both the analysis of imperialism carried out by Lenin and the assessment put forward by Stalin that this era is the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Right at this point, this group has drowned in to a formidable quagmire of post-modernism and post-Marxism.

Third, while discussing the fundamental contradictions of the world, this group has talked about the contradiction between post-imperialism and socialist forces. Based on this position of Biplab group, it shows that there are even now some socialist forces in state power somewhere in the world.

Fourth, while assessing the national situation, this group has analysed the classes, the political forces and the streams of Nepalese communist movement in a peculiar way. In analysing classes, they have presented ‘middle’ class as a new working class and the proletarian class is being displaced. This group seems attempting to escape from the discussion of political forces and the various streams of the communist movement.

Fifth, in the course of determining party’s line, policy and programme, this group has been victimised of ambiguity, abstraction and eclecticism. To place new democracy and socialism at par is an ugly example of ambiguity, abstraction and eclecticism.

Sixth, although this group has been carrying out militant struggles in their independent initiative, but it is not connected with revolutionary goal and it seems to have been trapped in militant economism.

In their whim to become new, to revise the Marxist concept that changing of the world is main task, to state that the law of unity of opposites is not relevant to party life, to discard Lenin’s analysis of imperialism in the pretext of it being old and to accept post-imperialism, to evaluate Stalin in extreme and very much minimise Mao, to take help of eclecticism in defining line, policy and programme, to say Marx, Lenin and Mao have been far in time context etc. are the main characteristics of Biplab group. 

For quite a long time in the past, Biplab group used to talk about power-sharing and it is heard sometimes even today. They have not clarified it yet. Taking into account of all these things deeply, what can be speculated is that there is a possibility of this group sliding towards post-Marxism by giving up Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Hopefully, it will not happen so. Biplab group itself must be conscious and cautious on it.

Thus in total, the strong aspects of this group seem to have been weakening and the weak aspects seem to have been strengthening.

In the past we had evaluated that this group is entangled in left in form but right in essence. Now this group seems to have been going faster than before towards right deviation both in form and essence.


We discussed in brief about some of the questions of political report adopted by eighth congress of Biplab group. Also we discussed about strong and weak aspects present in them. Now as conclusion we have to clarify our opinion about this group.

First of all, the imperialism and all sorts of reactionary forces have been intensifying exploitation, oppression and repression upon the proletariat, oppressed masses of the people and the country as well. Right opportunism has been prevailing in the international and Nepalese communist movement too. In this situation, to unify revolutionary communists at one centre has been a historical necessity at present.

Second, paying attention to the interest of entire communist movement and revolution, we must think dialectically towards Communist Party of Nepal. On the one hand we must wage ideological struggle against the weak points present in this group while on the other, taking the strong points positively, we must also try to find possibility of and basis for unity with this group.

Finally, the entire comrades including the main leadership of the CPN should make special effort to struggle against weak aspects present in them and further develop the positive aspects. History does not wait anybody for long. Now, specially remembering the country, people, revolution, proletarian internationalism and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and striving for revolutionary transformation by correcting respective shortcomings and mistakes, it has been urgent on our part to think it seriously and take steps towards unity.

Note: This article had first appeared in Maobadi-12, the official organ of the Communist Party of Nepal (Revolutionary Maoist), published in August, 2017.



Christine Ahn : Korea's Olympic Unity Gives US War Plans a 'Bloody Nose'

Democracy and Class Struggle says Women organised by Christine Ahn protesting the Vancouver anti DPRK  Foreign Minister Meeting,

Democracy and Class Struggle salutes our women comrades and especially Christine Ahn protesting the meeting.

Democracy and Class Struggle says Rex Tillerson is no soft option to Trump on DPRK he is as wicked and frankly a word we rarely use as EVIL.

Drown those who want War on the Korean Peninsula in their own blood lust.

For a detailed backstory on Korean Conflict

Friday, January 19, 2018

YPJ (Women's Defense Units) Commander Axîn Efrîn spoke to the ANF about the Operation Cizire Storm and the Turkish state’s attacks on Afrin.

YPJ (Women's Defense Units) Commander Axîn Efrîn spoke to the ANF about the Operation Cizire Storm and the Turkish state’s attacks on Afrin.


You started the Deir ez-Zor operation before the Raqqa operation concluded. What made that necessary?

It has been 4 months since the Deir ez-Zor operation started, we are now in the fifth month. When we started this operation, the Raqqa operation was still underway. Us launching this operation back during the Raqqa process is due to our confidence in ourselves. We have proven that we can fight in multiple fronts and that we are strong enough to do so. With great sacrifice, faith and resolve, and with new and improved tactics for war, we knew that we could execute these two operations simultaneously. 

That is why we didn’t wait for the Raqqa operation to end. The Deir ez-Zor operation started with great resolve. One other reason that we launched this operation was the call of the people of Deir ez-Zor. At the time we launched the operation, the Syrian regime launched one from the other side of the Euphrates. Conditions then and conditions now are different. At first, the Syrian Regime launched an operation on the other side of the Euphrates River with support from Iran and Russia, and we launched from this side.

Where is the operation at now?

As we marched strongly onto ISIS and defeated them, the Syrian regime and other forces started to try and push us back. Many times these forces hit us in attempts to sabotage our operation. They wanted to make us look weak and unable to fight ISIS with these. They wanted to constrict us in this sense. We have voided these policies by the regime and other forces. We have liberated the Deir ez-Zor lands, which cover hundreds of square kilometers. We have liberated dozens of villages. With this faith and resolve, we have reached the Iraqi border. Now there is a 50 km stretch of land left in front of us, we have to liberate it and hand it over to the people of the region. But I can say that this 50 km stretch is the most difficult part in the whole operation. Why? Because all the fleeing ISIS gangs settled in this area. 

There are those who fled Raqqa, who fled from the regime’s side, who fled from Iraq, they all settled in the small towns along the Euphrates. There were many ISIS gangs here in the past as well. Among them there are people from very different places. There are the Shishanis, there are those from Russia and Turkey and from various European countries, there are those from Egypt and Saudi Arabia. All ISIS gangs from all over have gathered here. With that, all the ammunition and technical equipment they brought as they fled have gathered here as well. Because this is the final position for ISIS. That is why the war is much harder and rougher. Despite that, our forces have been marching on with great will and courage. Despite all hardships and attacks, YPG, YPJ and SDF fighters have lost no courage or resolve in marching on to ISIS gangs. Our forces have great strength for success and victory.

What makes the Deir ez-Zor operation different from the others?

We deeply believe that we will end ISIS gangs here. For that, we are ecstatic. Many forces have claimed to fight ISIS. We have defeated ISIS in many locations. Manbij and Raqqa, dubbed the capital of ISIS, were the most recent examples. We have thus shown we are different. The thing about Deir ez-Zor is this: The absolute end of ISIS will come at our hands, at the hands of the SDF. Nobody should kid themselves. Nobody should say ISIS is done for in Syria. Yes, maybe they no longer have a large scale force. But ISIS survives in many places still. In areas like Idlib and Damascus, ISIS still continues its actions. But as an organized force, they are only left here in front of us and that will be ended by the SDF fighters.

Now there are really large scale clashes. There is an intense war going on. We are faced with a force that is high in numbers. But I should add this: In terms of faith and strength, ISIS is experiencing a serious fracture. Every day new groups come and surrender. And they are separating among themselves a lot. Gangs from the region and from other places have many disagreements. For that, they are falling apart. Even though they do have a concentrated presence in terms of numbers, they also have corrosion internally. Our goal is to complete the operation successfully in the coming period.


There are many civilians who crossed over from the Deir ez-Zor center to your side, and then there are civilians in the side you take on the operation from. What can you say about the state they are in?

By the beginning of the operation, ISIS gangs carried out massacres against civilians. These civilians were mostly those who were trying to reach our side from the regime side. We were in an intense effort to ensure the civilians’ security as we continued with the operation on the other hand. We settled them in camps we set up by the beginning of the operation. We tried to fulfill all the needs of these civilians through our own means. As villages and lands were liberated, these civilians started to return home. Now people have returned to all liberated villages, towns and hamlets and they continue with their lives. And these returning people have their needs provided by special units we have formed.


The Turkish state has recently been attacking Afrin. You are from Afrin personally, and you stayed there as a YPJ Commander. What do you think of these attacks?

For a long time, Erdogan and the Turkish state have been threatening Rojava. Erdogan had been threatening Afrin constantly. In these last few days, their threats intensified. It has remained at the level of threats up to now, but now there has been an actual hit on Afrin for the first time. But we will not fight against the Turkish forces in Rojava for the first time. 

The fact of the matter is, our defeat of ISIS was really the defeat of the Turkish state. 

Again, we consider the times we fought in Rojava against the “Free Army” and other forces to actually be times we fought against Turks. Today all the gangs who fight us in Rojava, Northern Syria and Syria are gangs Erdogan and the Turkish state have nurtured in their bosom. Erdogan’s fury and ambition in attacking Afrin stems from the great fury he feels for the defeat of ISIS. This is in reality Erdogan’s defeat. All forces we have defeated used to be forces they nurtured. ISIS is defeated in Rojava and Northern Syria. That is the defeat of Erdogan.

The Turkish state has always followed this policy: However much they experience corrosion and defeat internally, they always want to continue the war outside themselves. 

The Turkish state is experiencing a great crisis now. The end of the war with ISIS also marked the beginning of a new era in Northern Syria. 

Namely, the implementation of the Northern Syria project. It was the people in Northern Syria who led this project. It is a new model for living to be created by the Kurdish, Arab, Syriac, Turkmen and Christian peoples. The foundation of this project is comprised of our forces, the SDF. Truly the SDF is an example of this project that has come to life. In the SDF there is representation for all peoples. And in Northern Syria, this will take shape concretely. That is what Erdogan can’t tolerate. That is why what Erdogan wants is to keep us and Syria in a state of constant war and delay the implementation of this project.


Everybody knows how the mind of the Turkish state works. In a dictatorial mindset, they constantly chant “one nation, one state”. They can’t accept a society that has diversity, democracy and equality. That is why they attack us and our society. It is an absolute excuse that “terrorists” cross over Rojava into their borders. And it is not true. We know their intentions. Their true intention is to attack the Northern Syria project. And they want to hide the military, economic and social crisis in their own country and to show they are strong and present, that is why they attack.


On the other hand, the Turkish state attacking Afrin is dragging themselves into the quicksand. With this approach, Erdogan will completely drown Turkey in crises. Anytime Erdogan is on TV, he speaks not like a president of a country but like a dictator, or a commander.


We believe that like we crushed ISIS in Kobanê with our national force, we will fight against the Turkish state with double the national unity and forces. YPG, YPJ, Jabal Al-Aqrad and Jaysh Al-Thuwar forces have been preparing for a long time. With great preparation and their resolute and faithful stance, the Turkish state will regret ever coming. This was best evidenced in the people’s march in Afrin. As YPG commanders in Afrin say, the Turkish state should see that the whole people are YPG and YPJ in Afrin. The people of Afrin have shown with their stance that the Kurdish people now have a national consciousness. 

The Kurd that the Turkish state has created in its mind does not exist anymore. 

Kurds are a people loyal to their land, their children and their freedom. The Kurdish people has a great belief now. They believe to the end that their military force will protect them to the end. The Turkish state has this in its mind: They think when they attack Afrin, the people will rush to the borders. That is why they are building crossing gates on the borders. They first built the wall we call the wall of shame. Now they are installing gates on that wall. But the people of Afrin know very well that the executioner who kills them can’t protect them! And they have shown with the march that no force can defeat them. Turks will regret coming to Afrin greatly. And the people of Afrin grew up on the mountains of Afrin. They will never let the Turkish state through. Afrin is a steep and mountainous area. The Turkish state can’t hold on there.


What do you think of the silence of Russia and Syria?

There are some forces in Afrin who are in dialogue with us. We don’t call it an alliance because forces in alliance would keep that up in all ways. That is why we call it a dialogue. One of these forces is Russia. Russia has not reacted at all yet. They have been silent. 

In a way, that means approving Turkey’s attacks. This approach would also be the greatest mistake in history towards the Kurdish people that Russia makes. The silence of the regime is in a way accepting their own lack of will. It is accepting that they don’t exist as a state and have been defeated.

I will say this once more: It won’t be the first time we fight the Turkish state in Rojava, and it won’t be the first time we defeat them. We have fought against the Turkish state countless times in Rojava, and we will again.


Öcalan’s warning to Afrin to prepare weapons and stock ammunition - call for War Communism

The Turkish state continues to go back and forth between Russia and the US to invade Afrin. Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan had seen that after the Kobanê victory, one of the Turkish state’s targets would be Afrin and said, “Today is not the day to build textile workshops, it is the day to build workshops for arms and ammunition, to create war communism and to root it in society,” warning the Afrin administration and self defense forces three years ago.


Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said Kobanê was “about to fall” on October 7, 2014, and after Kobanê achieved victory against ISIS gangs on January 27, 2015, the HDP surpassed the election threshold on June 7, 2015 and prevented the AKP from forming a government on its own. And on June 15, 2015, YPG/YPJ fighters and the Burqan Al Firat forces that form the core of the Syrian Democratic Forces today liberated Girê Spî, after which the Turkish state flipped the table in Imrali for a solution.


The “red line” in the Imrali meetings was Rojava, and Öcalan saw the threats against it and repeated frequently his warnings from before. Öcalan saw the threat against Afrin and shared his concerns with the PKK prisoners who had been transferred to the Imrali Prison to be part of the secretariat to be formed during the “solution process”.

With the solution table being flipped, by early 2016 the PKK prisoners Çetin Arkas and Nasrullah Kuran were exiled to the Silivri Prison from the Imrali Prison. Arkas and Kuran answered questions for Mikail Barut, a journalist held in the same prison, for the Özgür Gündem newspaper, pointing out the threats against Afrin and Rojava. One day after the interview was published, the newspaper had been shut down.


In Arkas and Kuran’s interview published in Özgür Gündem newspaper on August 15, Öcalan’s warnings and views on the threats against Afrin and Northern Syria stand out. In the interview, Arkas spoke of Öcalan’s warnings about Rojava as: “For instance, our guys are loosely insistent on rebuilding Kobanê. If you allocate all efforts in rebuilding activity, if you disregard that you are in a war, you will be hit more. You are in war, there is a war on. If necessary, even married couples should stay away from each other and organize their lives in accordance with the war.”


Arkas had said that Öcalan had extensive warnings and criticisms for Afrin in particular and relayed Öcalan’s comments of, “With this situation, if they remain stuck in Afrin they will get hit. There is already an attempt to surround them step by step. 

There is constant news about Afrin about how many textile workshops were founded and how much production was in place. So, the capitalist rebuilding efforts come to the fore. 

There is a dominant state of not being aware of what they are up against.

Today is not the day to build textile workshops, it is the day to build workshops for arms and ammunition, to create war communism and to root it in society.


Akkas stated that according to their conversations, Öcalan said, “The Jarablus-Azaz operation was an operation that should have been done a long time ago.” Akkas said Öcalan had stressed that “it (was) understandable to watch out for the balance up to a certain point, but developing revolutionary structures based on their own strength on time would have more initiative in the field”.


Akkas also said that Öcalan thought Turkey’s policies on Syria have been wrong from the beginning and that he had said the following on the matter: 

“I wish Turkey would give up their Kurdophobia and their dreams to build hegemony in the Middle East, and be able to take the hand we reached out to them. But you can see that I used the words ‘The Spirit of Eshme” as witnessed by millions of people, but they visited the same place and said, ‘terrorist ringleader’. They say they will do all it takes to prevent a Kurdish corridor. Under such circumstances, obviously the Kurds watching all thee will not lie down in front of the blade like sheep for slaughter.”


Öcalan’s comments relayed by Arkas showed that one of the popular talking points of the day, the idea of “Border Security Forces” belongs to Öcalan: “All of history has created such an opportunity for the peoples, the conditions are ripe to create the wind of freedom throughout the Middle East with the democratic nation perspective.

The revolutionary process in Rojava will create a similar effect to the French Revolution and the October Revolution.

Creating political and military organizations that Arabs, Turkmens, Persians, Syriacs and Armenians, thousands of people from oppressed groups and different faiths will flock to is both possible and exciting.

If they work with a revolutionary spirit, in 6 months, it is not difficult to form an unbeatable Confederation Army.

What regressive or status quo favoring center would not tremble in the face of such an organization?”